Urban Design
mehrdad hedayatian; Alireza Einifar
Abstract
HighlightsThe concepts of presence, sociability, and environmental quality often overlap and lack clear conceptual boundaries in domestic urban studies.Recent theoretical shifts regard urban space not as a passive backdrop, but as an active agent in shaping social interactions.Canter’s place model ...
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HighlightsThe concepts of presence, sociability, and environmental quality often overlap and lack clear conceptual boundaries in domestic urban studies.Recent theoretical shifts regard urban space not as a passive backdrop, but as an active agent in shaping social interactions.Canter’s place model is integrated with key dimensions of social interaction in urban open spaces.Presence, sociability, and environmental quality each align most strongly with one of the spatial, behavioral, or perceptual dimensions.Sustainable social interaction requires balanced integration of presence, sociability, and environmental quality in urban design. IntroductionUrban open spaces constitute vital arenas for everyday social life, enabling a wide range of encounters, collective practices, and cultural expressions. However, the conceptualization of the mechanisms through which these spaces facilitate social interactions remains fragmented. Among the most frequently invoked but ambiguously defined concepts are presence, sociability, and environmental quality. While often mentioned in research, these constructs are applied inconsistently, with overlapping meanings and unclear boundaries.This study aims to clarify their conceptual positions and interrelations by constructing an analytical framework grounded in Canter’s theory of place. Through a qualitative meta-synthesis of 373 domestic articles, supplemented by insights from international scholarship, the research develops a five-component model of social interactions in urban open spaces. The goal is to contribute a theoretically informed and practically applicable framework that can guide urban designers, planners, and policymakers toward creating spaces that are both socially inclusive and environmentally sustainable. Theoretical FrameworkEvolution of Theories on Social Interaction in Urban Open SpacesThe relationship between space and social interaction has been theorized through several distinct phases:Classical and Structuralist Theories (pre-1960s): These approaches treated space as a passive container, with social interactions determined largely by societal structures, hierarchies, and institutions rather than spatial form.Human-Centered and Experiential Approaches (1960s–1980s): Inspired by Jane Jacobs and others, this perspective emphasized urban space as an active setting for lived experience, spontaneous encounters, and informal social life.Spatial and Quantitative Approaches (1980s–2000s): Analytical methods such as Space Syntax highlighted the relationship between spatial configuration and behavioral patterns, focusing on how design and layout influence movement and interaction.Contextual and Participatory Approaches (2000s–present): Recent theories integrate notions of spatial justice, sustainability, digital technology, and community agency, reflecting a multi-layered and dynamic understanding of urban interactions.Components of Social Interactions in Open SpacesBased on theoretical and empirical studies, five overarching components shape social interactions in urban open spaces:Spatial–EnvironmentalBehavioral–ActivityPerceptual–PsychologicalContextual–CulturalTechnological–DigitalInterpretation via Canter’s Place Model: This study aligns three primary components with Canter’s model of place:The spatial–environmental dimension corresponds to form;The behavioral–activity dimension relates to spatial actions;The perceptual–psychological dimension aligns with meaning.Contextual–cultural and technological–digital dimensions are treated as moderating factors, influencing the intensity and quality of interactions. The final model conceptualizes social interaction as a triad of form–activity–meaning, surrounded by cultural and technological mediators. This holistic perspective allows for a deeper explanation of how urban open spaces foster social life. MethodologyThe research adopts a qualitative, fundamental–descriptive approach, employing the meta-synthesis method based on Sandelowski and Barroso’s (2006) seven-step model.Data Collection: An initial pool of 687 domestic articles was identified. After applying PRISMA-based inclusion and exclusion criteria, 30 articles were selected for detailed analysis.Analysis Tool: MAXQDA software was used to code, categorize, and interpret findings.Key Gap: Domestic literature often uses presence, sociability, and environmental quality without systematic differentiation, leading to conceptual ambiguity.The analysis demonstrates that each of the three core concepts is structured around the three main dimensions (physical–environmental, activity–behavioral, and perceptual–psychological), supported by seven sub-dimensions. Importantly, each concept exhibits a dominant orientation:Presence → Physical–EnvironmentalSociability → Activity–BehavioralEnvironmental Quality → Perceptual–Psychological Results and DiscussionPresence: Presence reflects the capacity of a space to attract and retain users. It is strongly associated with the physical–environmental dimension, including amenities, accessibility, and spatial organization. Yet, mere physical occupation does not guarantee meaningful interaction; it is a prerequisite rather than a sufficient condition.Sociability: Sociability corresponds to the activity–behavioral dimension, emphasizing participatory environments, collective events, and opportunities for face-to-face engagement. This highlights the role of programming and design for activity in enabling vibrant urban life.Environmental Quality: Closely tied to the perceptual–psychological dimension, environmental quality involves users’ perceptions of safety, comfort, attractiveness, and belonging. These subjective evaluations strongly influence whether individuals choose to linger, engage, or avoid a space.Together, these findings underscore that social interaction is a multidimensional phenomenon, shaped by an interplay of physical, behavioral, and perceptual elements. Recognizing the distinct but complementary orientations of presence, sociability, and environmental quality provides a theoretical foundation for integrated urban design strategies. ConclusionThe proposed conceptual framework clarifies the overlapping domains of presence, sociability, and environmental quality while situating them within a multidimensional model of social interaction in urban open spaces.Key conclusions include:Each concept exerts a distinct influence on social interactions, yet they are interdependent and mutually reinforcing.Presence functions as a prerequisite, enabled by spatial accessibility and environmental amenities.Sociability is enhanced through participatory programming, collective activities, and inclusive design.Environmental Quality shapes users’ psychological perceptions and willingness to remain, creating conditions conducive to interaction.Sustainable social interaction requires balanced integration across physical, behavioral, and perceptual domains. Overemphasizing one while neglecting others produces limited results.By adopting this integrated perspective, urban planners and designers can create spaces that are not only functionally efficient but also socially inclusive and psychologically engaging. Such environments form the backbone of sustainable and socially resilient cities.
Urban Planning
Aliakbar Salaripour; Mani Talebi Somesaraei
Abstract
HighlightsThe creative city of Rasht possesses material, spiritual, and social capital necessary for the development of Critical Urbanism Pedagogy.Recognition and acceptance of socio-cultural conflicts can help correct ineffective approaches in urban planning education.Expanding critical awareness of ...
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HighlightsThe creative city of Rasht possesses material, spiritual, and social capital necessary for the development of Critical Urbanism Pedagogy.Recognition and acceptance of socio-cultural conflicts can help correct ineffective approaches in urban planning education.Expanding critical awareness of power mechanisms is central to sustaining and developing urban spaces through Critical Urbanism Pedagogy.Creating learning environments and mainstreaming urban planning education requires infrastructure, content production, events, tool-building, and capacity-building in both physical and virtual spaces.Extended Abstract IntroductionUrbanism pedagogy represents a fundamental infrastructure for informed public participation in urban development processes. It reduces the likelihood of errors on the part of both urban management authorities and citizens during the planning and implementation stages. Despite its importance, urbanism education in many contexts—including Iran—has not received sustained attention. Its long-term impacts are often underestimated, and there exists a weak culture of continuous learning. Moreover, a significant gap persists between academic environments and operational fields.In this context, the city of Rasht, recognized as a UNESCO Creative City of Gastronomy, provides a valuable case for exploring how Critical Urbanism Pedagogy can be developed. The city’s unique combination of material resources, cultural heritage, and vibrant social capital makes it a fertile environment for piloting innovative approaches to urban education.The central aim of this study is to conceptualize the role, functions, and actors of Critical Urbanism Pedagogy in Rasht and to propose a conceptual–operational model that integrates theory with practice. Theoretical FrameworkThe research builds on several related conceptual traditions:Urban Critical Literacy: enabling citizens to question dominant urban narratives and uncover hidden power relations.Critical Urban Learning: fostering awareness of the socio-political dimensions of urban development.Critical Pedagogy of Place: emphasizing the spatial dimensions of justice, belonging, and cultural identity in education.Critical Consciousness (Freirean tradition): promoting awareness of systemic inequalities and the capacity for transformative action.Analysis of these traditions indicates that global concerns around equity, sustainability, and justice require translation into locally meaningful pedagogical practices. Thus, developing a specific language or grammar of pedagogy is crucial. For Rasht, this means situating urbanism education in the socio-cultural realities of the city while fostering awareness of citizenship rights and responsibilities.The process entails:Recognizing and addressing socio-cultural conflicts, rather than suppressing them.Revising outdated pedagogical approaches that fail to connect education with lived urban experience.Creating educational environments where critical awareness of space, power, and governance can be nurtured.Ultimately, critical pedagogy in urbanism should result in both physical and symbolic spaces where citizens engage in collective reflection and action. MethodologyThe study adopts a qualitative grounded theory approach. Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 15 experts, including NGO representatives, university professors, education officials, and urban managers.Open coding: 102 codes identified.Axial coding: reduced to 29 categories.Selective coding: condensed into 8 central themes.This systematic process allowed the extraction of a coherent conceptual–operational model tailored to Rasht’s socio-cultural and institutional context. Results and DiscussionThe proposed model of Critical Urbanism Pedagogy in Rasht unfolds in five sequential stages, each linked to a specific pedagogical approach:Identifying problems through Critical Urban Literacy: encouraging recognition of structural inequalities and deficiencies in urban governance.Accepting and adjusting socio-cultural conflicts through Critical Urban Education: reframing conflicts as opportunities for constructive dialogue and learning.Modifying ineffective pedagogical approaches through Critical Global Citizenship Education: aligning local education with global discourses on sustainability, equity, and democratic participation.Transforming implementation models through Critical Urban Learning: empowering accountable institutions and promoting collaborative governance.Developing learning environments through Critical Pedagogy of Place: creating inclusive physical and virtual environments that support long-term knowledge exchange.These stages highlight that pedagogy is not limited to formal education but extends into urban space itself, conceived as a dynamic learning environment.Operational strategies identified include:Establishing civic discourse spaces, neighborhood educational centers, and specialized urban planning schools.Mobilizing governmental support, philanthropic contributions, and private investment for civic infrastructure.Producing content through traditional forms (documentaries, films, art) and contemporary tools (animations, apps, games, interactive platforms).Expanding discourse-oriented virtual spaces to complement physical environments.The findings suggest that while reforming curricula and institutional structures is necessary, it is not sufficient. True transformation in urban pedagogy requires creating learning environments where citizens, officials, and experts can interact critically and collaboratively. ConclusionThe conceptual–operational model of Critical Urbanism Pedagogy for Rasht provides both theoretical insight and practical guidance. It underscores the need to cultivate critical awareness among citizens, enabling them to engage meaningfully with urban governance and planning processes.The main outcomes are:Establishing learning environments that maximize stakeholder participation.Raising critical consciousness to challenge and revise existing educational and governance structures.Linking local efforts with global agendas, particularly the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals.Harnessing the creativity of Rasht’s citizens to co-produce knowledge and sustain educational initiatives.In sum, Critical Urbanism Pedagogy is not merely an academic concept but an operational tool for fostering democratic, equitable, and sustainable urban environments. By integrating cultural assets, critical awareness, and participatory infrastructures, Rasht can serve as a model for other creative cities seeking to align urban development with educational innovation.
Urban Planning
sara vosoughi; Farshad Nourian
Abstract
HighlightsDrawing on a Foucauldian framework, power dynamically reconstitutes legality through competing discourses.Elite urban informality becomes legitimized where power actors construct competing discourses of vested rights during the revision of the Samen district plan.Elite informality is reproduced ...
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HighlightsDrawing on a Foucauldian framework, power dynamically reconstitutes legality through competing discourses.Elite urban informality becomes legitimized where power actors construct competing discourses of vested rights during the revision of the Samen district plan.Elite informality is reproduced through conflicts of power rooted in contradictions within the formal urban planning system.The dualities of central vs. local authority, public vs. private interests, enforcement vs. non-enforcement, and regulation vs. deregulation reinforce elite informality.The reproduction of elite informality challenges the conventional formality/informality binary in urban governance.Extended Abstract IntroductionA significant portion of the literature on informality emphasizes the state’s role in suspending or manipulating the law. Much of this scholarship portrays informality as “from above,” where the state is considered a unified actor with control over legality, and law itself is treated as an objective, stable, and neutral framework for bureaucratic action.However, more recent approaches have shifted toward de-centering the state, conceptualizing power as dispersed and law as indeterminate. In this perspective, law is not a fixed foundation but a socially constructed and continuously contested phenomenon shaped by diverse actors.This article follows this newer trajectory by analyzing the dynamic interconnections between law and power in urban governance. Specifically, it investigates how competing actors—state and non-state alike—mobilize discourses of legality to reproduce elite informality. The case of the Samen district plan in Mashhad provides an instructive example, as it reveals how law, informality, and power interweave in large-scale redevelopment projects. Theoretical FrameworkThis study draws upon a Foucauldian understanding of power and truth to explore how legality is not simply imposed but continuously reconstructed through discursive struggles. Power relations, rather than being external to law, are embedded within it. They determine:Who has authority to interpret legal norms;How concepts such as vested rights are defined;Whose interests are privileged in practice.From this perspective, urban planning processes are not only technical or administrative but discursive arenas where actors compete to shape legality. Informality, therefore, does not merely exist outside formal systems; it emerges from within them, sustained by contradictions and conflicts in governance. MethodologyThe study applies Foucauldian discourse analysis to the concept of vested rights (haghe maktasabeh) in the revision of the Samen district plan.Case context:The Samen district redevelopment project, initiated in the 1990s around the Holy Shrine of Imam Reza, covered 360 hectares.Conceived as a self-financed scheme using land value capture (rent-gap), it envisioned 365 high-density commercial-residential buildings (9–12 floors).To attract investors, Mashhad Municipality implemented extensive deregulation, including:A guaranteed 30% internal rate of return (IRR);Zoning exceptions and exemptions from building regulations;Unauthorized transactions involving third-party assets without owner consent.By the 2010s, the municipality had signed nearly 300 agreements with private entities, banks, and state-owned enterprises. When the plan was revised (2013–2019), disputes arose over whether prior agreements constituted vested rights. Competing claims produced four distinct legal discourses, reflecting deep conflicts between actors.Data collection:15 narrative in-depth interviews with experts and stakeholders;200 official documents (plans, correspondence, approvals, reports);130 unofficial sources (press reports, speeches, institutional websites).Through discourse analysis, the study identifies intra-, inter-, and extra-discursive contestations shaping legality and informality. Results and DiscussionThe findings reveal that the revision of the Samen plan was characterized by competing discourses of vested rights, each linked to specific power configurations. These were classified as:Extralegal discourse – justifying actions outside formal law under exceptional conditions;Extended discourse – expanding prior agreements into broad claims of vested rights;Reconciliatory discourse – seeking compromise between legality and expedience;Argumentative discourse – contesting definitions of legality through legalistic reasoning.Together, these discourses illustrate how elite informality is reproduced not in opposition to the formal planning system but through it. Power struggles embedded in contradictions within the system generate overlapping zones of legality and illegality.Key contradictions include:Central vs. local authority: conflicts between national institutions and municipal power.Public vs. private interests: competing claims over whose rights and benefits are prioritized.Enforcement costs: debates over who bears the burden of compliance and regulation.Regulation vs. deregulation: shifting boundaries between “customary” deregulated practices and formal legal requirements.Through these contestations, vested rights were selectively legitimized, enabling elite actors to pursue projects outside standard planning procedures while maintaining a veneer of legality. ConclusionThis study demonstrates that elite informality in Mashhad’s Samen district was not simply an illegal deviation but a product of discursive power struggles within the planning system itself. Structural contradictions in governance—central/local, public/private, enforcement/non-enforcement, regulation/deregulation—generated competing legal claims that ultimately legitimized elite practices.The result is a reproduction of informality from within formality, where illegal actions are gradually normalized and incorporated into planning processes. This challenges the binary distinction between formal and informal, suggesting that urban governance operates through a fluid continuum of legality and illegality.Power, in this context, does not merely suspend law but actively reshapes it, redefining the boundaries of what counts as legal or illegal. By analyzing vested rights discourses in Mashhad, this article highlights how elite informality is discursively reproduced, posing critical challenges for urban planning systems that seek to uphold legality while accommodating economic and political power.
Urban Planning
Amirhamzeh Shahbazi
Abstract
HighlightsStudent visits to university libraries are low across undergraduate, master’s, and doctoral levels.Students’ field of study significantly affects the frequency of library visits.The functional necessity of precise library location (neighborhood/district/city) is diminishing.University ...
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HighlightsStudent visits to university libraries are low across undergraduate, master’s, and doctoral levels.Students’ field of study significantly affects the frequency of library visits.The functional necessity of precise library location (neighborhood/district/city) is diminishing.University libraries are rapidly adapting their operations to the demands of cyberspace and digital services.Fixed, limited opening hours are decreasingly relevant for library service delivery.Extended Abstract IntroductionThe accelerating diffusion of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has transformed how scientific and cultural products are produced, disseminated, and consumed. In the early decades of the twenty-first century—marked by the proliferation of broadband connectivity, social networks, and cloud platforms—individuals and institutions increasingly create and circulate digital content independently of traditional publishers. For urban planners, this raises a critical question: do university libraries—longstanding place-based urban uses—face functional decline similar to once-ubiquitous facilities such as public baths or caravanserais?The emerging practice of “research without visiting the library,” enabled by online databases and virtual services, challenges the historic coupling of library functions with specific locations, radii of influence, and time-bound service windows. This study examines these shifts through a case analysis of three major universities in Zahedan, probing how cyberspace is reconfiguring the spatial and temporal logics of university library use. Theoretical FrameworkAdvances in cyberinfrastructure—high-performance computing, broadband networks, and mass data storage—have catalyzed the rise of digital and smart libraries. These technologies enable accelerated resource discovery, remote access to collections, and user-centered service personalization. In this framework, library management transitions from a primarily place-anchored, schedule-bound model to a platform-based service regime that privileges ubiquitous access, immediacy, and interoperability with research workflows. Consequently, the value proposition of libraries shifts from where services are delivered to how they are integrated into the digital research ecosystem. MethodologyThis applied study employs a descriptive–analytical design. A two-stage random sampling strategy produced a sample of 480 students (undergraduate, master’s, and doctoral) from the University of Sistan and Baluchestan, Zahedan University of Medical Sciences, and Islamic Azad University of Zahedan. Data were collected via a researcher-developed questionnaire. Content validity was established through expert review by university faculty; reliability was confirmed with Cronbach’s alpha = 0.752.Data analysis combined distributional checks and non-parametric inference: Kolmogorov–Smirnov and Shapiro–Wilk tests assessed normality; given non-normal distributions, the study used Mann–Whitney U, Kendall’s tau-c, Cramér’s V, Kruskal–Wallis (H test), the Sign test, Chi-square, and crosstab analyses to test hypotheses regarding visit frequency, education level and field, device ownership, and access to scientific databases. Results and DiscussionFindings indicate a marked erosion of the traditional, place-dependent model of university libraries:Low visitation rates: 58% of students reported never or rarely visiting the library. Moreover, 44% perceived the role and position of libraries as “much decreased” or “decreasing substantially.”Digital access and perceived decline: There is an inverse, significant relationship between students’ access to scientific databases (e.g., Scopus, SID, ScienceDirect) and their perception of the library’s standing—greater database access corresponds with stronger perceptions of decline.Devices and home infrastructure: Ownership/access to desktop or laptop computers, printers, modems, and smartphones is inversely associated with perceived library centrality. Notably, 39% of students reported having none of these devices; conversely, among those with complete equipment, 75% rated the library’s position as declining—suggesting that digital readiness amplifies functional substitution away from physical facilities.Internet use for academic work: The intensity of Internet use correlates positively with the perception of a diminishing library role (Cramér’s V, p = 0.002): only 35% of students with very low Internet use perceived decline, compared with 69% among heavy users.Education level and visits: Contrary to expectation, higher education level did not translate into more frequent visits. The second hypothesis—linking visit frequency to degree level—was rejected (Kendall’s tau-c, p = 0.16).Field of study effects: The Kruskal–Wallis test confirmed significant differences in visit frequency across fields and faculties, indicating disciplinary variation in the necessity of in-person library use.Overall trend: A Sign test (error level 0.033) supports the conclusion that the position of the library is decreasing as a place-based urban use within the studied university context.Taken together, these results depict a system-level transition: the radius of influence and population thresholds that historically defined library catchments are becoming less predictive of use. Instead, digital access, platform literacy, and disciplinary norms drive engagement patterns, with cyberspace services substituting for on-site visits. ConclusionTraditionally, libraries have been defined by three attributes: (1) a population threshold, (2) a spatial radius of influence, and (3) limited, specific service hours. The cyber revolution decouples all three. University libraries can now deliver core functions independent of place and time, offering 24/7/365 access across effectively unlimited service radii. Evidence from the three Zahedan universities shows that as students’ digital equipment and database access improve, their reliance on physical library spaces declines—and their perception of the library’s centrality diminishes accordingly.These dynamics reframe libraries from location-based land uses into platform-based service providers, a shift likely to intensify with the diffusion of artificial intelligence into discovery, summarization, and recommendation workflows. For urban planners and university library managers alike, the implication is clear: planning, investment, and service design should prioritize hybrid models—robust digital infrastructures complemented by targeted, high-value in-person services (e.g., makerspaces, data labs, scholarly communication support, quiet study environments).Future research should extend the analysis to public libraries and broader citizen populations to assess the generalizability of these findings beyond the university setting and to inform city-wide cultural and educational planning.
environmental psychology
nasrin mohammadi; Rouhollah Rahimi; Vahid Vaziri
Abstract
HighlightsExamines the role of urban behavioral settings in strengthening place attachment.Employs a hybrid method combining Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP).Case study: western façade of Imam Khomeini Street in Ardabil, Iran.Identifies three key components ...
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HighlightsExamines the role of urban behavioral settings in strengthening place attachment.Employs a hybrid method combining Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP).Case study: western façade of Imam Khomeini Street in Ardabil, Iran.Identifies three key components of behavioral settings influencing citizens’ mental maps.Provides a ranked set of strategies to reinforce place identity and urban legibility. Extended Abstract IntroductionIn recent decades, the rapid transformation and uncontrolled expansion of cities have weakened citizens’ emotional bonds with urban spaces, particularly in historic contexts with strong cultural identities. Urban planning practices have often overlooked these affective connections. Imam Khomeini Street in Ardabil—one of the oldest and most vital urban axes—illustrates this challenge. This study seeks to identify and prioritize the components of behavioral settings that strengthen place attachment, using citizens’ mental maps as a key analytical tool. Theoretical FrameworkPlace attachment refers to the emotional bonds people establish with specific environments. It is shaped by both cognitive and affective processes, closely linked to perceptions of safety, identity, and satisfaction.Behavioral settings are urban spaces that accommodate spontaneous public interactions and reflect diverse user needs, thereby influencing behavior and collective memory.Mental maps represent individuals’ cognitive and emotional perceptions of urban environments, typically consisting of nodes, landmarks, edges, and paths.This study draws on phenomenological and environmental psychology perspectives to highlight the interconnectedness of urban form, human perception, and behavior. MethodologyThis applied-developmental research employs a mixed-method approach combining quantitative analysis and expert evaluations:Survey: A sample of 384 Ardabil residents responded to a Likert-scale questionnaire, designed from existing literature, validated via CFA (Confirmatory Factor Analysis), and with strong reliability (Cronbach's alpha > 0.9).Structural Equation Modeling (SEM): Used to examine relationships between urban facades, mental images, and place attachment. Indicators including RMSEA, CFI, and GFI confirmed model fit.Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP): Based on SEM outcomes, AHP was employed to rank the identified factors. Fifteen urban planning experts conducted pairwise comparisons, with weights and consistency indices calculated using Expert Choice software.Case study area: The western side of Imam Khomeini Street, from Shariati Junction to Imam Khomeini Crossroad, a historically and spatially significant axis in Ardabil. Results and DiscussionSEM findings confirmed three hypotheses:Urban facades significantly influence mental images (β = 0.611).Urban facades significantly affect place attachment (β = 0.240).Mental images mediate the relationship between urban form and place attachment (β = 0.536).AHP results identified three ranked dimensions of behavioral settings:B. Enhancing place attachment and spatial legibility through key land uses and iconic buildings (Weight: 0.453) – highest rank.A. Preserving identity and highlighting site-specific characteristics (Weight: 0.366).C. Strengthening mental images of urban facades (Weight: 0.181).Among 11 sub-criteria, the most influential were:Functionally unique urban spaces (0.270).Incorporating citizens’ needs into design (0.188).Visual distinctiveness (0.183).The results demonstrate a layered relationship between built form, perception, and emotional bonds, mediated by visual cues, iconic nodes, and functional identity. These findings align with Lynch’s (1960) theory of legibility, Relph’s (1976) work on place identity, and more recent studies by Ramkissoon, Mouratidis, and Mehta. ConclusionThis research developed and tested an operational framework to identify and prioritize components of place attachment in urban behavioral settings, focusing on Imam Khomeini Street in Ardabil. The integrated use of SEM and AHP provided both statistical validation and practical prioritization of factors influencing attachment.Key findings emphasize that:Spatial legibility and iconic landmarks are the strongest contributors to place attachment.Functional responsiveness to citizens’ needs enhances both perception and satisfaction.Visual distinctiveness reinforces mental imagery and strengthens symbolic value.Importantly, the study underscores that place attachment is not reducible to physical form alone. Instead, it emerges from the dynamic interplay between tangible elements (facades, land uses, urban design), subjective perceptions (mental maps, imagery), and socio-cultural context (identity, tradition, community engagement).From a planning perspective, these insights call for a holistic, multi-layered approach to urban regeneration—one that integrates physical coherence with cultural continuity and participatory engagement. The proposed framework is both theoretically innovative and practically adaptable, offering a transferable tool for other cities with historic and cultural significance.Ultimately, by embedding citizens’ lived experiences and perceptual maps into the planning process, urban designers and policymakers can create spaces that are not only functional and aesthetically coherent but also emotionally resonant, culturally grounded, and socially inclusive. Such environments foster deeper bonds between people and place, ensuring urban resilience and sustainable identity in the face of rapid change.
Urban Planning
mitra azimi; mohsen afshari
Abstract
HighlightsDespite the implementation of more than 18 development projects, citizenship education in Harandi has not received sufficient attention.Planners often prioritized physical infrastructure over educational empowerment, weakening long-term social sustainability.For neighborhoods such as Harandi—characterized ...
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HighlightsDespite the implementation of more than 18 development projects, citizenship education in Harandi has not received sufficient attention.Planners often prioritized physical infrastructure over educational empowerment, weakening long-term social sustainability.For neighborhoods such as Harandi—characterized by multiple social and physical vulnerabilities—citizenship education is an inevitable necessity for sustainable local development.Extended Abstract IntroductionThe Harandi neighborhood, located on the southern threshold of Tehran near the Cave and Customs Gates, holds both historical and strategic significance within the city’s urban network. Yet, it is simultaneously regarded as one of the main centers of social harm and deprivation. Over the past two decades, municipal authorities have attempted to address its challenges through the preparation and implementation of more than 18 development projects.Despite these efforts, the neighborhood continues to suffer from deep-rooted problems such as drug abuse, poverty, unemployment, and marginalization. While physical and infrastructural projects have been extensively emphasized, the non-material dimensions of development—particularly citizenship education—have remained underexplored. This imbalance has limited the sustainability and long-term effectiveness of the implemented projects.Accordingly, this study investigates the position of citizenship education in Harandi’s development projects, guided by three central questions:What role does citizenship education occupy in Harandi’s development plans?What are the key indicators of citizenship education at the neighborhood level?What strategies can strengthen the position of citizenship education within future urban development programs? Theoretical FrameworkCitizenship education is widely recognized as a process through which individuals develop the knowledge, values, and skills required to engage constructively in society. From a democratic perspective, it is a cornerstone of building social capital, enhancing civic participation, and ensuring long-term urban sustainability.The literature highlights six interrelated dimensions of citizenship education:Legalism – awareness and compliance with laws and regulations;Patriotism and collective responsibility – cultivating loyalty and attachment to the nation and neighborhood;Respect for beliefs, minorities, and customs – fostering tolerance and cultural inclusiveness;Responsibility – encouraging active commitment to personal and collective duties;Civic awareness – understanding social rights, responsibilities, and public affairs;Participation – promoting active involvement in decision-making and community improvement.Democratic theories stress that citizens should be educated not only about their rights but also about their obligations, enabling them to contribute actively to society. In neighborhoods with high levels of vulnerability, such as Harandi, these dimensions are particularly vital, as they can mitigate social harms and empower residents to engage in positive and constructive behaviors. MethodologyThis study is qualitative in nature and employs a multi-step research strategy. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews with three groups: neighborhood mayors, members of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) active in Harandi, and urban studies experts. Five participants were selected purposefully from each group, yielding a total of 15 interviews.Thematic saturation was achieved with this number of participants. Data were analyzed using coding techniques in MAXQDA software, allowing for the identification of recurrent themes, patterns, and gaps in citizenship education within existing development plans. Document analysis of 18 neighborhood projects further complemented the interview findings, offering a comprehensive picture of planning practices in Harandi. Results and DiscussionThe findings reveal a significant gap between the stated objectives of Harandi’s development plans and their actual implementation.Among the six indicators of citizenship education, civic awareness and participation were relatively more emphasized in official documents. For instance, some plans included provisions for community workshops or participatory decision-making sessions.However, critical components such as respect for beliefs and cultural diversity and legalism received minimal attention. This neglect has arguably reinforced cycles of distrust between residents and institutions, further exacerbating social harms.Indicators such as patriotism and responsibility were superficially mentioned but rarely operationalized in concrete programs.Interviewees, particularly municipal managers, acknowledged that physical improvements (e.g., road construction, façade rehabilitation, park creation) were prioritized over educational empowerment. NGO representatives emphasized that without strengthening civic responsibility and awareness of rights, infrastructural interventions alone cannot ensure sustainable transformation.Comparative analysis of the 18 plans shows that those with modest educational components achieved relatively better outcomes in terms of community acceptance and participation. For example, initiatives involving local NGOs in training sessions for youth and women demonstrated higher levels of trust-building compared to purely physical projects.These findings resonate with global research indicating that development projects in marginalized areas fail when social empowerment and citizenship education are overlooked. Scholars such as Banks and Holston have shown that without civic inclusion, physical regeneration often leads to displacement or deepened inequality. ConclusionThe study highlights the critical role of citizenship education in the sustainable regeneration of socially vulnerable neighborhoods such as Harandi. Based on the analysis, six major contributions of citizenship education to local development can be identified:Strengthening responsibility: Encouraging residents to take responsibility for their environment and community well-being.Increasing participation: Enabling active engagement in civic and political affairs, thereby fostering collaborative governance.Reducing social harms: Empowering individuals with knowledge of rights and responsibilities, which can reduce behaviors linked to addiction, violence, and marginalization.Enhancing solidarity: Promoting mutual trust and cooperation among residents, reducing social fragmentation.Raising legal awareness: Informing citizens of their rights and responsibilities under the law, thus improving compliance and social justice.Empowering communities: Building local capacity to collectively address neighborhood problems and influence urban policy.In summary, the neglect of citizenship education in Harandi’s past development projects has limited their effectiveness. Future planning must integrate educational empowerment alongside physical interventions, ensuring that residents are equipped not only with better infrastructure but also with the civic skills and awareness required for sustainable neighborhood transformation.
